Bekir Gündoğdu
This monument, erected in the center of Istanbul with a significant budget in 1928, a year after Mustafa Kemal’s arrival in Istanbul, when Taksim Square was still empty, symbolizes not only a reward given to Russia in return for the recognition of the Kemalist regime, but also the price paid for the murder of Enver Pasha and other Ottoman leaders by Armenian assassins under the supervision of Soviet Russia.
The Purge of the Unionists, Anglo-Russian-Turkish Agreements, and the Taksim Monument
The Taksim Republic Monument, one of Istanbul’s key symbols, is a monument representing the founding process of the Republic of Türkiye and the actors involved in this process. Designed and built by Italian sculptor Pietro Canonica, the monument was inaugurated on the fifth anniversary of the Republic’s founding in 1928. Among the figures on the monument, Mustafa Kemal, İsmet İnönü and Fevzi Çakmak, and right behind them, two Russian generals stand out; Mikhail Frunze and Semyon Aralov.
This article explores the relationships between Mustafa Kemal, Frunze, and Enver Pasha, and the events leading up to the erection of the monument.
The 1920s witnessed not only the collapse of the Ottoman Empire but also the systematic purge of its last political elites. At the center of this purge were figures like Talat, Enver, Cemal, and Sait Halim Pasha. These figures were not only perceived as rivals by the Ankara administration, which formed the core of the newly established regime, but they also became victims of the agreements made and strategic partnerships forged with Britain and the Soviet Union. On March 15, 1921, Talat Pasha was martyred in an assassination in Berlin. What a coincidence that the very next day, on March 16, 1921, the British-Soviet Trade Agreement was signed in London, and on the same day, the Moscow Treaty between Türkiye and Russia was signed in Moscow.
The process that began with the signing of both agreements and the assassinations that followed were clear indications that the British and Russians had agreed on Mustafa Kemal regarding Türkiye, and that a decision had been made to liquidate the Unionists.
The Moscow Agreement between Türkiye and the Soviet Union was the first treaty the Ankara administration signed with a foreign power to gain international recognition. The assassination of Talat Pasha, which took place one day before this agreement, was followed by Said Halim Pasha, and he was also assassinated in Rome on December 5, 1921. Then, on July 21, 1922, in Tbilisi, although Cemal Pasha declared his loyalty to Mustafa Kemal, wanted to work with the Ankara government and reported his meetings with Enver Pasha, he shared the same fate as the others. The final link in the chain was Enver Pasha, who was martyred on August 4, 1922, in Tajikistan during a final assault with a small group of soldiers against the Red Army.
Although these deaths appear to have been carried out either due to the vengeful motives of a few Armenian militants or during an attack like in the case of Enver Pasha’s martyrdom, the Ankara government’s silence in this process—having made no diplomatic effort, condemnation, or even inquiry regarding these assassinations toward Germany, Italy, or Russia, nor demanding an investigation—strengthens suspicions of an existing compromise or aggrement. Hints of such a compromise can be seen in the December 22, 1921, visit of Russian General Frunze to Ankara.
In these meetings, in addition to the arms, money and logistic aid provided to Mustafa Kemal Pasha against the Greek occupation, the issue of Enver Pasha was finally discussed. Frunze stated that the Soviets had friendly relations with Enver Pasha, that the Communist International financially supported him to operate in other Eastern Muslim countries rather than in Anatolia, and that he posed no threat to the Ankara government.¹
Then, Mustafa Kemal took the floor and explained to Frunze the current state of the Turkish army, emphasizing that the old army had been disarmed and disbanded after the armistice, that they had established a completely new army based on fresh principles and foundations, and that this army was composed of, individuals who remained loyal to defense of homeland, and laboring peasant masses.
At the end of his remarks, Mustafa Kemal showed the General two letters he had received from Cemal Pasha.² In the first letter concerning Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha briefly recommends reconciling with Enver Pasha and making use of him in affairs outside Türkiye, while in his second letter, he states that Enver Pasha—whom he describes as an adventurer—was moving toward Bukhara and Fergana, would incite rebellions there, and warns of the harmful consequences of his activities in Bukhara, predicting that he would ultimately fail.
Frunze, convinced by Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s explanations regarding the “Enver Pasha” issue – which had been discussed in the talks and had contributed to Türkiye’s growing distrust toward Soviet Russia – promised Mustafa Kemal Pasha that after returning to Soviet Moscow with the information provided to him, he would work to terminate Russia’s support for Enver Pasha and ensure the complete revocation of all rights granted to him.³ However, this problem was already resolved when Enver Pasha learned that the British and Russians had reached an agreement, guessed what would happen, went to Turkestan and then started an operation against Soviet Russia.
As a result, the support of Enver Pasha by the Soviets was presented to the General as a factor that would shake confidence, and Frunze promised that this support would be cut off. Indeed, Enver Pasha was martyred by the Soviet Red Army on August 4, 1922, in Tajikistan.
So, who was General Frunze? He was the Commander of the Soviet Red Army’s Turkestan Front and had visited Ankara in 1921 to meet with Mustafa Kemal. The entire Turkestan region was occupied by Frunze with an army of Dashnak Armenians and annexed to the Soviets. The capital of Kyrgyzstan, Bishkek, was named Frunze during the Soviet period (between, 1926-1991), in memory of the Bolshevik military leader Mikhail Frunze.
Aralov, on the other hand, served as the first Soviet Ambassador to Ankara between 1922 and 1923.
This is the story of the two Soviet generals whose statues are located right behind Mustafa Kemal in the Monument of Taksim. Their presence represents the stone-carved, triumphant culmination of the British-Russian-Turkish political agreement that led to the elimination of Enver Pasha and his fellow fighters.
This monument, erected in the center of Istanbul with a significant budget in 1928, a year after Mustafa Kemal’s arrival in Istanbul, when Taksim Square was still empty, symbolizes not only a reward given to Russia in return for the recognition of the Kemalist regime, but also the price paid for the murder of Enver Pasha and other Ottoman leaders by Armenian assassins under the supervision of Soviet Russia.
While we may never know whether the Turkish leftists’ choice of Taksim Square for May 1st demonstrations was influenced by this recent history of shady Russian collaboration, it is evident that the regime made a deliberate decision with this monument – one that overshadows both the spirit of the War of Independence won through the efforts of the Unionists, particularly Enver Pasha’s cadre, and that of the national anthem written by Enver Pasha’s ally Mehmet Akif Ersoy.
Footnotes:
(1) General M. V. Frunze’nin Türkiye Ziyareti ve 1922 Türkiye-Ukrayna Dostluk ve Kardeşlik Antlaşması, Burcu Özcan Erdal
(2) November 16, 1921 – Cemal Pasha’s letter to Atatürk from Moscow:
“…If I cannot bring Enver Pasha back from Bukhara, my entire one and a half year’s work will be wasted. I am working with all my might to achieve this.”
LETTER FROM CEMAL PASHA TO MUSTAFA KEMAL PASHA DATED 16 NOVEMBER 1921
The following letter was written by Cemal Pasha to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on November 16, 1921, as he was preparing to leave for Germany after spending five weeks in Moscow. In the letter, he states that he received the letter sent by Mustafa Kemal Pasha dated July 10, 1921 and that he was “encouraged to learn that his activities had been appreciated by the Council of Deputies, and that he would do his best to prevent Enver Pasha’s activities in Bukhara.”
‘My Brother, Mustafa Kemal Pasha,
I read your letter dated July 10 with great pleasure. Learning that my humble efforts were found worthy of appreciation by the Council of Deputies has given me great courage and conviction for my future work. You can trust that in the very near future, a general awakening worth of appreciation and respect will occur in the Asian Islamic environment, and as valuable allies of the magnificent national power center that Anatolia will create, they will force their former enemies to show them respect and reverence. I especially express my gratitude for your kindness and support concerning the colleagues who worked with me. Without making this too long, let me simply say that your letter of July 10 truly left me deeply thankful. Now, in my heart, I feel a strong courage regarding my future initiatives.
You must have understood from the multiple letters and notifications I’ve sent that I was about to arrive and have now arrived in Moscow. I am writing this letter as I am about to leave Moscow. I stayed in Moscow for exactly five weeks. A detailed letter I wrote to His Highness the Emir of Afghanistan perfectively explains what I did, what I attempted, and what I succeeded in during that time. I am enclosing a copy of that letter for you. The memorandum, a copy of which I am also enclosing, explains very well the manner of language I used when dealing with the Russians.
My views on Enver Pasha’s recent initiatives can be understood from the last letter I wrote to him and the one I wrote to the Emir. If I cannot bring Enver Pasha back from Bukhara, my entire one and a half year’s work will be wasted. I am working with all my might to achieve this.
I am about to remove Halil, Little Talat and in short all senior officers of Enver’s initiative from the Caucasus. In this way, you will be saved from an attempt that disturbs you and is definitely expected to disrupt your work. I will only be able to inform you from Berlin about the final form of the Bukhara initiative. I don’t know when this letter will reach you. Therefore, I would appreciate it if you could write your reply directly to Moscow. You will have received the necessary information from Sureyya Bey about the experts and officers I have requested and their numbers and their names. If you could kindly provide these, it would ease my work. Brother, I respectfully kiss the eyes of Fethi and the other friends.
Ahmet Cemal’
(3) Mikhail Vasilyevich Frunze (1885–1925), Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yavuz ASLAN
*Bekir Gündoğdu
Researcher-author. He actively participated in politics, civil society activities, and media organizations at various levels. He continues to work as a New Media editor and publisher on internet media.
Email: [email protected]