Combating Zionism and the Jewish Relocation during World War I: The Evacuation of Gaza and Jaffa

About the author and first publication:

Writer: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bozkurt; Düzce University, Akçakoca Bey Faculty of Political

Science, Department of International Relations, Düzce/TURKEY

 

First publication: Belleten, April 2021, Volume: 85/Issue: 302; pp. 193–225

 

Abstract

During World War I, while the Chief Rabbinate and Alliance schools defended the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, Zionists continued their separatist activities throughout the war. Despite the military and administrative measures taken by the Ottoman State, it was unable to break the Zionist influence on the Palestinian front. Following the First Battle of Gaza, the Ottoman Empire evacuated the cities of Gaza and Jaffa for military reasons. The evacuated Jews were resettled in neighboring Jewish settlements under strict security measures enforced by the Ottoman government. The Jewish relocation was turned into a smear and defamation campaign against the Ottoman Empire by the Zionist movement, which held strong sway in the media. The relocation case created a groundswell of anti-Turkish sentiment in European public opinion, to the extent that it overshadowed the Armenian relocation. Through a successful public diplomacy campaign in Europe, the Ottoman State managed to dissipate much of the negative atmosphere. However, the Jewish relocation, exploited by Zionist propaganda, gave rise to certain anti-Ottoman claims that have persisted to this day.

Introduction

Anti-Semitism, whose roots go back to the birth of Christianity, took on an organized structure in Europe by the late 19th century. With the rise of secular nationalism, European nations began to view Jews increasingly negatively. Anti-Semitic organizations founded primarily in countries such as Germany, France, and Russia began pursuing racist and exclusionary policies that removed Jews from public life. Jews were subjected to various forms of pressure and repression across many European countries. Over time, intensifying anti-Semitism turned into systematic murders and massacres in certain countries. As a result, thousands of Jews began migrating from Europe to various parts of the world.¹

The surge of anti-Semitism in Europe laid the groundwork for political Zionism to emerge as a global political movement. In Russia, where the violence against Jews reached its peak, the movement known as Chibbath Zion (Love of Zion) was born in 1882. By 1885, the movement had 14,000 members and encouraged the migration of thousands of Jews to Palestine to establish a “national homeland.”² The most significant contribution to Jewish settlements in Palestine came from the renowned Jewish businessman Baron Edmond de Rothschild. A Zionist himself, Rothschild purchased thousands of acres of land in Palestine and opened them for use by Jewish immigrants.³

A Hungarian Jew, Theodor Herzl politicized Zionism with the First Zionist Congress he convened in Basel in 1897. The congress decided to establish a “national homeland” for Jews in Palestine, secured by public law. The congress authorized Herzl to take initiatives with the relevant governments to realize this goal. Since Palestine was a province of the Ottoman Empire, the Zionists first contacted the Ottoman government. Herzl proposed to Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine in exchange for 20 million pounds. He also promised to use the Jewish influence over the press to improve the Ottoman Empire’s negative image in the West and to help pay off its existing foreign debts. However, Herzl’s one-sided negotiation diplomacy centered on Palestine yielded no results against Abdulhamid’s multifaceted strategy, which excluded Palestine from any bargaining. Viewing Zionism as a separatist and divisive movement, Abdulhamid imposed serious restrictions on Jewish immigration to Palestine and their acquisition of property there. Nevertheless, these restrictions failed to prevent Jewish immigration and the establishment of colonies in Palestine. Influential figures in Ottoman bureaucracy, such as the Rothschilds and Baron Hirsch, along with Zionist-Jewish organizations, encouraged Jewish migration to Palestine. Moreover, the indifference and cooperative attitude of local administrators and interest groups in Palestine enabled these prohibitions to be circumvented. Jews acquired land in Palestine using pseudonyms and forged documents and managed to overcome local resistance through bribery, pressure, threats, and seizure. The Jewish population in Palestine tripled from 1876 to 1908, reaching 80,000. Zionists succeeded in acquiring 40,000 acres of land and establishing 33 settlements in Palestine.

The deposition of Abdulhamid II by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) in 1909 was interpreted by Zionists as the beginning of a new era. The Zionist-CUP rapprochement, which had started during Abdulhamid’s reign, reached its peak after the declaration of the Second Constitutional Era. Expecting privileges regarding Palestine, the Zionists invited the CUP to utilize Jewish capital for the reconstruction of the Ottoman State. In desperate need of funds for post-revolution reforms, the CUP accepted the offer. Grand Vizier Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha gradually began lifting the bans on Jews in Palestine. However, the book Eretz Israel (The Land of Israel), published in 1909 by Jakobus H. Kann, one of the leaders of the Zionist Action Committee, negatively altered the CUP’s perspective on Zionism. The CUP realized that Zionism was a separatist movement planning to establish an independent Jewish state in Palestine. Consequently, the restrictions imposed on Jews in Palestine during Abdulhamid’s reign were reinstated. In addition, measures were taken to curb the influence of Zionism in the capital, Istanbul.¹⁰

The outbreak of World War I in 1914 marked a turning point for the Zionists. At the beginning of the war, the World Zionist Organization engaged in diplomatic maneuvering between Germany and Britain. However, contacts made in Britain by Haim Weizmann, a Russian Zionist, drew the Zionist movement to the British side. According to Weizmann, if Britain won the war, the Ottoman Empire would collapse and Palestine would become independent. Thus, under British rule, Palestine would be fully opened to Jewish immigration and land acquisition. In this context, Zionist diplomacy pursued a complex strategy aimed at supporting a British victory in the war and opening Palestine to British occupation.

The first contribution of the Zionists to British war efforts came with the establishment of the Zion Mule Corps, created with the help of Russian Jews Wladimir Jabotinsky and Joseph Trumpeldor. Trained by Colonel John Henry Patterson, the unit was deployed to the Gallipoli Front on April 26, 1915, to fight against the Turks. Assigned to the British 29th Division, the unit remained at the front until January 6, 1916, when the British completely evacuated Gallipoli.¹² On the other hand, separatist Jewish organizations operating in Palestine, such as NILI and Hashomer, engaged in espionage and provided intelligence about Ottoman armies to the British.¹³

1. Ottoman Jews during World War I

The 1908 Young Turks Revolution, following the abolition of press censorship, also lifted restrictions on political life. As a result, ideological movements that had gone underground during the repressive and censored rule of Abdulhamid II began expressing themselves freely. In this atmosphere of liberty, Zionism started gaining popularity among Jews, especially in Thessaloniki and Istanbul. Zionists further expanded their influence through the Hebrew-language newspaper ha-Mevaser and the French-language Le Jeune Turc (formerly Courier d’Orient). Additionally, clubs such as Maccabi and Bene Yisrael, each with memberships nearing 2,000, made Zionism a significant force in public opinion. The Zionist movement inevitably came into conflict with both the Alliance Israélite Universelle, which advocated for Jewish integration into broader society, and the Chief Rabbinate, which supported the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire.¹⁵

The Ottoman Jewish community under the leadership of Haim Nahum supported the Ottoman State’s wartime policies. Responding positively to the Ottoman government’s levee en masse orders, which called on all non-foreign men aged 18–45 to enlist, Jews served in the Turkish army during the Balkan Wars and World War I.¹⁶ Ottoman Jews also encouraged younger members of their community to enlist, demonstrating their loyalty to the state and their commitment to aiding in the war effort.¹⁷ Jewish bankers in the Ottoman Empire and abroad provided financial support to cover war expenses and pay government employees. Jewish investors in the Ottoman lands, especially those in Palestine, cooperated with Muslims to supply animals, tools, and bullock wagons to local army units. Jewish foundations also launched aid campaigns to support the families of Ottoman soldiers.¹⁸

In contrast to these loyal Ottoman Jews, Zionist Jews aimed to remove Palestine from Ottoman control by collaborating with the Allied Powers. The most notable Zionist activity in this regard was the founding of the NILI espionage network in Haifa under the leadership of botanist Aaron Aaronsohn. The organization consisted of 23 senior members and hundreds of young volunteers aged between 24 and 27. In 1916, Aaron stole the Ottoman Empire’s defense plans for the Middle Eastern fronts and fled to the British. He was later appointed head of the Jewish Bureau at the British intelligence base in Egypt. After Aaron’s defection, his sister Sarah Aaronsohn took over NILI’s operations in Palestine. The organization included internationally active spies like Yossef Lishansky and Naaman Belkind.¹⁹

2. Measures Taken by the Ottoman Empire Against Zionism in Palestine

During World War I, Egypt held strategic, tactical, and logistical significance for the British. It was the most important base in both the Mediterranean and Middle Eastern regions. Controlling the Suez Canal, Egypt served as the main transit point for troops arriving from Australia, New Zealand, and India en route to Europe and the war fronts. Additionally, many units deployed to the Dardanelles, Thessaloniki, the Western Ottoman front, and partially the Iraqi front, were dispatched from Egypt. Alexandria Port also served as a key naval base for supplying warships.²⁵

The Ottoman Empire suspected that the British would launch a military landing at Çanakkale (Gallipoli) and İskenderun. According to military authorities, it was essential to gain control of the Suez Canal before such a move could take place. Such control would prevent Britain from deploying troops gathered from its colonies like India and Australia against the Central Powers. In addition, with control of the Canal, it would be possible to save Egypt, which had been under Ottoman rule only in legal terms since 1882, from British occupation.²⁶ Motivated by these considerations, Enver Pasha appointed Cemal Pasha on November 18, 1914, as the Commander of the Fourth Army and the Governor of Syria, Palestine, Hejaz, and Cilicia, while also retaining his position as Minister of the Navy.²⁷

Based on military and administrative reports from Palestine regarding Zionist activities, the Ottoman government implemented legal measures. According to Talat Bey’s data, over 120,000 Jews lived in Palestine, 90% of whom were nationals of enemy states. Consequently, the Council of Ministers decided to deport Jews in Palestine aiming at “the immediate interruption of this trend, which is likely to permanently endanger the political existence of the Ottoman Empire, and the expulsion of those Jews, who are subjects of the hostile powers, who do not want to accept Ottoman nationality, outside the Ottoman borders, in order to prevent any further foreign intervention in the aforementioned region.”²⁹

3. The Evacuation of Gaza and Jaffa

During World War I, following the collaboration of Armenian committees with enemy forces and uprisings in various Anatolian provinces, the Ottoman Empire implemented several security measures. On May 27, 1915, the government enacted a Temporary Law titled Provisional Law on Measures to Be Taken by the Military Authorities Against Those Opposing Government Actions During Wartime. Commonly referred to as the “Relocation Law” (Tehcir Kanunu), the Law on Relocation and Settlement authorized military authorities to use force against those who disobeyed government orders and disrupted public order. The law also permitted the individual or collective deportation and resettlement of villages and towns proven to be engaged in espionage or treason.⁵³ Following the law’s enactment, thousands of Armenians from various Anatolian provinces were relocated to provinces outside the war zone, such as Mosul, Aleppo, and Deir ez-Zor. In the following period, the law was also applied to Greeks, Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Jewish communities. Additionally, Arabs, Albanians, Bosniaks, Roma, Circassians, Georgians, Kurds, Laz, and Turks were also subject to deportation when deemed necessary.⁵⁶

After the failed Suez Campaign, the Fourth Army Command carried out large-scale Arab relocations in Syria and Medina. Arabs who were suspected of collaborating with the enemy or were located in strategically sensitive areas were relocated to various cities in Anatolia. In preparation, provincial and district authorities that would receive the migrants were warned to make necessary arrangements. A subsequent directive from the Fourth Army detailed the procedures for the relocation, supply, and support of the families being evacuated.⁵⁸

On March 26, 1917, the British attacked Ottoman forces entrenched along the Gaza–Beersheba line. Turkish troops mounted a strong resistance and repelled the British the next day, inflicting heavy losses. However, Gaza and Jaffa suffered significant human and material losses due to prolonged bombardments by enemy naval forces and aircraft. The Fourth Army Command decided to evacuate Gaza and Jaffa of civilians as they were now considered “war zones.” Gaza was evacuated on March 28, and control of the city was handed over to military authorities. The district center was moved to the village of Mesihiye, which was the center of the Falujah sub-district.⁶¹ On April 9, Jaffa was evacuated under the supervision of Jerusalem District Governor Münir Bey. The protection of homes, belongings, and property left behind in Jaffa was entrusted to a local security force composed of 37 guards, 13 police officers, and 3 gendarmes. On April 12, 1917, the Ministry of the Interior sent a telegram to the Jerusalem district government requesting detailed information about the locations where evacuees had been resettled, as well as data concerning their food, transportation, medical care, and lodging.⁶⁴ Cemal Pasha emphasized that it would be impossible to return any of the population evacuated from Jaffa, noting that “certain military considerations may even necessitate the evacuation of new villages.”

4. Reactions of the European Public to the Evacuation

NILI spies operating on the Palestine–Syria Front quickly relayed news of the evacuations of Gaza and Jaffa to the organization’s leader, Aaron Aaronsohn. In response, Aaronsohn mobilized Jewish institutions, especially the Zionist Bureau in London and others around the world. The French news agency Havas and the British Reuters agency distorted the reports and circulated them in the European press. These reports were turned into a smear and defamation campaign against the Ottoman Empire by Zionist circles, who wielded significant influence over the press. The Jewish Chronicle, published by the Jewish community in London, claimed that Cemal Pasha intended not only to deport thousands of Jews but also to brutally annihilate the entire population of Palestine. The Times (May 19) drew attention to the thousands of Jews left “starving and thirsty” on the roads. The Manchester Guardian, in its May 8–9, 1917 issues, alleged that Cemal Pasha was systematically exterminating Jews through starvation, thirst, and epidemics. Other British newspapers such as The Times in London, The Daily Telegraph, and The Morning Post published similar content. In France, Le Temps distorted the Ottoman government’s evacuation decision in its coverage. In Italy, newspapers such as Corriere della Sera, Il Cittadino, and L’Unita Cattolica (May 21) reported on the supposed atrocities faced by Jews in Palestine.⁸⁵

The Havas agency claimed that the evacuation, which was disguised as military justification, was actually a plan to destroy the Jews in Syria and Palestine, that the evacuated Jews perished on the roads from hunger and lack of medicine, and that the homes they left behind were looted by Turkish and German soldiers. The agency further claimed that 7,000 Jews had been expelled from Jerusalem. The agency’s accusations were not limited to this. The agency also exploited the Christian population, claiming that their churches and monasteries were destroyed and their valuables were stolen. The agency even tried to provoke Arabs, claiming that Cemal Pasha had executed 1,000 people in Syria for political reasons.⁸⁷ Highlighting a fabricated statement supposedly made by Cemal Pasha that the Jews will meet the same fate as the Armenians, the agency incited anti-Turkish sentiment in European public opinion. At the same time, Britain’s Foreign Office, under Lord Bryce and his assistant Arnold Toynbee, began a black propaganda campaign through its “Secret War Propaganda Department,” claiming that Ottoman soldiers mistreated the deported Jews and looted synagogues left behind.⁸⁹

5. The Ottoman Empire’s Defense Against the Accusations

The smear campaign launched by Zionists in the European press, exploiting the evacuation of Gaza and Jaffa, prompted the Ottoman government to respond. The government sought to refute the accusations through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ottoman embassies abroad. In rebuttals especially directed at neutral and Allied nations’ press, it was emphasized that the evacuation was carried out for military reasons, applied to all populations regardless of ethnic or religious identity, and had proceeded without incident. In a “confidential” letter to the Ministry of the Interior and the Deputy Commander-in-Chief’s Office, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs warned that “the influence of Jews on the world press is immense” and advised against relying solely on straightforward denials. The ministry noted that Europe attached importance to the Jewish relocation on a scale comparable to that of the Armenian relocation, and requested that the issue be addressed comprehensively and appropriate countermeasures taken. In telegrams sent to Ottoman embassies in Stockholm, The Hague, Copenhagen, and Bern, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that the evacuations were undertaken for military reasons and that the government had provided necessary transportation and subsistence support to the migrants. The ministry also noted that Cemal Pasha had been asked to provide “documented details” for publication in the Western press and emphasized the importance of officially denying any plans to evacuate Jerusalem. Following this, the Ottoman Embassy in Berlin informed the Ottoman Embassy in Madrid of the matter, and the Prussian official newspaper Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung published refutations of the anti-Ottoman claims.⁹⁹

Conclusion

Zionism was an irregular warfare element that the Ottoman Empire had to contend with during World War I. While the Chief Rabbinate and the Alliance schools supported the territorial integrity of the Ottoman State, Zionists continued their separatist activities in Palestine. Failing to secure the concessions they sought during the reign of Abdulhamid II and the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), the Zionists came to believe that the establishment of an independent Jewish state in Palestine would only be possible through the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. In this context, Zionist diplomacy shifted toward a strategy of supporting British occupation of Palestine during the war and facilitating it as much as possible. The Zion Mule Corps, which fought against the Turks at the Gallipoli Front, as well as secret organizations such as the NILI spy network and Hashomer, were all strategic moves aligned with this goal.

With the onset of war, the Ottoman government intensified its security measures against Zionism in Palestine. Jews who were subjects of enemy states were first invited to adopt Ottoman citizenship. The government aimed to prevent foreign powers from intervening in Ottoman internal affairs under the pretext of legal capitulations. Administrative authorities extended various accommodations to Jews willing to become Ottoman citizens, seeking to win them over. Nevertheless, around 13,000 to 14,000 Jews who refused Ottoman citizenship left Ottoman lands. The incident, which was exploited in Western public opinion as a “Jewish deportation” or “exile,” was in reality the result of a personal choice made by Jews who declined to adopt Ottoman nationality.

 

Footnotes:

¹ Mim Kemal Öke, Siyonizm’den Uygarlıklar Çatışmasına Filistin Sorunu, Ufuk Kitapları, 4. Edition, İstanbul 2002, pp. 18-22.

² D. K. Fieldhouse, Ortadoğu’da Batı Emperyalizmi 1914-1958, (transl. Merve Şahin), Tarih&Kuram Yayınevi, İstanbul 2018, p.170.

³ Sezai Balcı-Mustafa Balcıoğlu, Rothschildler ve Osmanlı İmparatorluğu, Erguvani Yayınevi, Ankara 2017, pp. 233-245.

¹⁰ For example, relevant authorities were being warned that one of the Zionist leaders, Nahum Sokolov, was attempting to spread Zionism by purchasing certain newspapers in Istanbul. See: BOA.DH.EUM.THR 9/2. Additionally, the Ottoman government requested the General Directorate of Security to monitor Sokolov while he was in Istanbul and to deport him if it was determined that he was acting on behalf of Zionism. See: BOA.DH.MUI.27/66.

¹² Mete Tunçoku, “İsrail’in Kuruluşuna Varan Gelişmeler İçinde Çanakkale Savaşlarının Önemi”, Belleten 55/212, (1991), pp. 102-105.

¹³ Celil Bozkurt, “Osmanlı Arşiv Belgelerinde NİLİ Casusluk Örgütü”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, (2019), C 35/S. 99, pp. 7-15.

¹⁴ A study conducted at the Jewish Gymnastics Society, established in Beyoğlu under the name Makabi, revealed that a political movement was being imposed on the youth under the name of Zionism and that the society possessed a flag bearing a star in blue and white colors. On this matter, see: BOA. DH.EUM.THR. 105/9.3.

¹⁵ Aron Rodrigue, Türkiye Yahudilerinin Batılılaşması, (transl. İbrahim Yıldız), Ayraç Yayınevi, Ankara 1997, pp. 189-219.

¹⁶ Stanford J. Shaw, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Yahudiler, (transl: Meriç Sobutay), Kapı Yayınları, İstanbul 2008, pp. 367-368.

¹⁷ Salahi R. Sonyel, Osmanlı Devleti’nin Yıkılmasında Azınlıkların Rolü, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 20014, p. 502.

¹⁸ Shaw, ibid., p. 368.

¹⁹ Bozkurt, ibid., p. 5.

²⁵ Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, Türk İnkılabı Tarihi, C III/Kısım III, TTK Basımevi, Ankara 1991, pp.181-182.

²⁶ Enver Ziya Karal, Osmanlı Tarihi, C IX, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 3. Edition, Ankara 2011, pp. 424-425.

²⁷ Nevzat Artuç, Cemal Paşa, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 2008, pp. 208-209.

²⁹ BOA.HR.SYS. 2160/3; BOA.DH.ŞFR. 48/277.

⁵³ BOA. MV. 240/24. For an evaluation of the Law on Relocation and Settlement, see: Kemal Çiçek, The Forced Migration of Armenians 1915–1917, Turkish Historical Society, Ankara 2005, pp. 45–46.

⁵⁶ Süleyman Beyoğlu, “Tehcir Kanunu ve I. Dünya Savaşı’nda Arap Tehciri”, Türk Kültürü İncelemeleri Dergisi, S. 11, Istanbul 2004, p. 33.

⁵⁸ BOA. DH.ŞFR. 63/123; BOA. DH. ŞFR. 63/124. See also Ortak, ibid., pp. 71-72.

⁶¹ BOA. DH.ŞFR. 548/23. Lef 1. See also  BOA. DH.ŞFR. 558/2.

⁶⁴ BOA. DH.ŞFR. 75/118.

⁸⁵ Friedman, ibid., p. 358.

⁸⁷ BOA. HR.SYS. 2332/1.82. see also  BOA. HR.SYS. 2332/1.13.

⁸⁹ Shaw, age., p. 378-379. See also Friedman, ibid., p. 354.

⁹⁹ BOA. HR.SYS. 2332/53.01.

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